DAILY OPINIONS

Martial Law in the USA

The protestors now face a historic responsibility to question the last half century in order to unravel the knot. This is a heavy but inevitable task that will determine not only the political trajectory of the US but the whole world.

Demonstration in Washington DC | Photograph: Yasin Öztürk/AA

Protests triggered by the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis are rapidly transforming the American political system. Seeking shelter in a bunker on Friday during the protests in front of the White House, President Trump raised tensions with his statements on Twitter, stating that ferocious dogs and bullets could be used against protesters. He threatened to shut down the use of Twitter which had marked his messages as “glorifying violence.” Fulfilling the expectations of his base, he tried to preserve the image of a strong, authoritarian leader and signalled that he is not afraid of the protestors by challenging them. This attitude – as expected - increased the anger and the probability of provocations in the protests. The looting of shops and stores gave Trump the opportunity to use more authoritarian methods to suppress the demonstrations. The politician also left no doubts about his goal in his statement from the Rose Garden of the White House on Monday: "To dominate the street".

Was it possible for the President to respond differently? Information leaked to the press from the White House reported that Trump's team was divided into two, one group advocating a softer approach to protestors and the other tougher. The first historical comparison that comes to my mind here is Richard Nixon’s visit to the demonstrators at the Lincoln Memorial on May 9, 1970 at five in the morning. On April 30, after Nixon announced that he would expand the war in Vietnam to Cambodia, demonstrations began at universities. Four students died at Kent State University, and nine students, one of which was paralyzed, were injured as a result of the fire opened by the Ohio National Guard. Trapped in between the Vietnam war and the student murders, Nixon acted against his own character traits (he was notoriously unable to engage in small talk) and wanted to appear personally in front of the students that had flocked to the capital. Had it been an African American rights protest, would Nixon have the same courage? Would he be as alarmed, if his war were not publicly questioned?

The conditions of Trump are different in both ways. When he said, “I will bring American troops home”, nobody expected that he would order the army to contain American citizens. Yet that moment has come, the country is moving toward martial law.  Following his announcement at the Rose Garden, Trump had demonstrators around the White House forcefully removed. Then with the Bible in his hand, he walked to the historical Church of St. John, which had been damaged during the protests. Like a telemarketer, he displayed the book in his hand from different angles to the cameras and then took a series of photos with his teammates. Although the bishop of the church said that he was deeply insulted, it is no doubt that this photo is an image that will mobilize the base of the politician and raise their morale. Finally, the President is starting his election campaign on the empty streets with the help of the police and the army. Based on our experiences in Turkey, it is not difficult to guess that upon dominating the streets, he will fill them with crowds carrying automatic weapons, protesting the pandemic measures. When justifying his action Trump claimed “to protect the Second Amendment”. Therein lies the message: The second amendment is about the right to bear arms. In short, from now on politics will be determined on the street.

So what will the demonstrators do? The masses, which do not have a political leadership or an organization that provides coordination, rely mainly on historical experience and foresight. Even though demonstrators try to protect the legitimacy in public opinion by preventing looting, it is very difficult to control the anger towards the symbols of the class and race hierarchy in the absence of leaders who articulate a political strategy. The underlying reason for the looting at the demonstrations is clearly stated in the report appointed by Democrat Party President Johnson in 1968 and headed by Illinois State Governor Otto Kerner: White racism. Investigating the famous “long summer” of 1967 when police violence towards African Americans sparked protests all over the country, the Kerner report stated how racism and class inequality feed off of each other; how housing, education and social policies failed; and how the media reported from a completely white perspective. However, Johnson, the conqueror of Vietnam, silently shelved the report of his commission. Now, fifty-two years after the report, in the biggest protests since 1967, the same issue presents a Gordion Knot for a new generation. The protestors now face a historic responsibility to question the last half century in order to unravel the knot. This is a heavy but inevitable task that will determine not only the political trajectory of the US but the whole world. 


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